Then-minister of justice Jody Wilson-Raybould speaks to the media on Parliament Hill in a file photo from June 6, 2017. In the aftermath of the resignation of Jody Wilson-Raybould from the government, a companion narrative to her complaints about being pressured to not launch a criminal prosecution against the engineering firm SNC-Lavalin has arisen. Latterly, the relations between the former justice minister and the prime minister and his office seem to have been more of a tug of war than the authoritarian oppression in a questionable cause portrayed by Wilson-Raybould.
Wilson-Raybould was seriously underqualified to be minister of justice, a post historically occupied by some of Canada’s leading statesmen, including prime ministers or future prime ministers Sir John A. Macdonald, Sir John Thompson, Sir Charles Tupper, R.B. Bennett, Louis S. St. Laurent, Pierre E. Trudeau, and John Turner, and party leaders and deputy-leaders A.A. Dorion, Edward Blake, Ernest Lapointe, Sir Oliver Mowat (after 25 years as premier of Ontario), Sir Lomer Gouin (after 15 years as premier of Quebec), and the great John Crosbie. And other justice ministers of fairly recent memory, such as Davie Fulton, Lionel Chevrier, Marc Lalonde, Irwin Cotler and Peter MacKay, had earned considerable stature as lawyers or legislators. Wilson-Raybould was a Crown prosecutor for three years and then spent 12 years as a native rights activist-administrator and politician. But she personified the fusion of two groups to which the Justin Trudeau Liberal party and regime prostrated themselves like postulants before Pope Alexander (Borgia) VI (seeking to kiss a foot, nothing so egalitarian as a ring).
As a chief commissioner of the British Columbia Treaties Commission, and as regional chief of the Association of First Nations in British Columbia, Wilson-Raybould and her husband authored an 800-page book called the British Columbia Association of First Nations Governance Toolkit — a Guide to Nation-Building. It was a toolkit for the self-emasculation of Canada as a sovereign jurisdiction, and a guide to the jurisdictional destruction of Canada as a nation and its voluntary submission, on grounds of the alleged moral turpitude of the European discoverers and settlers of this country, to the overlordship of the notoriously ragged self-defined communities of partially pre-European descended people in Canada. Her declared objective was to “take back” what the natives had lost. I have written here before, that where we are headed in public policy is the implicit recognition that the European occupation of Canada was morally indistinguishable, other than in the sophistication of its brutality, from the Nazi-Soviet occupation of Poland in 1939. Because the occupation was by waves and centuries of generations of peaceable civilians, the withdrawal of the invader, unlike the case of Poland in 1939–44, is not expected, merely the admission by the 98.5 per cent of the population who qualify as comparative latecomers, that the perfidy of their antecedents requires them to become the servile enrichers of the long-wronged natives. Jody Wilson-Raybould and her husband, Tim Raybould, attend a 4th of July party at the U.S. Embassy in Ottawa in 2016. The couple authored an 800-page book called the British Columbia Association of First Nations Governance Toolkit — a Guide to Nation-Building. Wilson-Raybould came out of the ministerial gate like a fire horse and throughout her tenure wore her nativist colours threadbare. She declared the so-called Indian treaties to be invalid, and redefined them as the right of the natives “to self-determination and self-government.” She was instrumental in trumpeting the (Justin) Trudeau government’s “Rights and Recognition Framework,” unveiled in February 2018, as shifting the rights under Section 35 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms as not applying only […]
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